The Creation of a Republican Empire

Bradford Perkins’ The Creation of a Republican Empire presents an informative account of the history of American foreign policy. He discusses important theories behind the policies used in laying the path to convert the state into what he calls, the American Republican Empire. He focused on the ideals of republicanism, individualism, trade and economic expansionism that shaped international policy debates. Perkins framed his work on proceedings such as the struggles of the American Revolution, the creation of the United States constitution, the effects produced by the European wars, the Monroe Doctrine, the decade of 1840s and its emphasis on expansionism and the Civil War. In just one century, the United States through a well design approach to international relations was able to legitimize its independence and secured commercial trade and its geographical territory. This distinctive model inspired many countries throughout the world to follow its successes. It was because of the vision of the Founding Founders transmitted to and embraced by the nationalistic American people that the United States became a leading country in international relations and major player in the international community today.
American Foreign Policy started to be patterned in the early days of the American Revolution. Since the beginning, Americans were driven by the desire to attain power and wealth. They understood that it was only through dominion of foreign policy that they would be able to maneuver the economic and political wheel towards their side, acknowledging that foreign commerce was crucial to the nation’s survival. As Richard Henry Lee wrote “ No state in Europe will either Treat or Trade with us so long as we consider ourselves Subjects of G.B. It is not choice then but necessity which calls for Independence, as the only means by which foreign Alliances can be obtained.” (p.19) Politicians concentrated their efforts in the promotion of foreign trade pushing for an agenda that emphasized their belief in republicanism and individualism.
Perkins illustrated the continuous power struggle to control of foreign policy between congress and the presidency. The latter was able in many events, to influence and dictate policies creating tensions between the two branches. This power struggle was deep-rooted in the Constitution. Edward S. Corwin concluded that the constitution “is an invitation to struggle for privilege of directing American foreign policy” (p.70). This contradiction demonstrated that behind closed doors, American presidents would prioritize its interested disregarding the main values aspired by the convention in Philadelphia. A double standard criticized by many today.
National interest was the most important aspect of foreign policy, although, as Perkins states “it professes to represent the aspirations of the entire world. Foreign policy include same emphasis on national self-interest, the same intrusion of the larger culture, the same distortions- sometimes minor, sometimes substantial-of the view of the world events seen through a prism of national but not universal values”.(p. 6) Directly connected to national interest, as Perkins described in his prism concept, is the American devotion to isolationism. By opening its commerce to every nation, and by committing themselves to non involvement policy with the politics of other continents (especially the corrupted European international politics), U.S believe that “reason would rule (p. 22) and isolation was the only way to avoid exploitation and perhaps even wars of no real concern to the United States but dangerous to independence and happiness.” (p. 23) However, with the French alliance treaties of 1778 in which the American Revolution was to receive aid essential to the accomplishment of the movement, showed the ambiguity within American Policy. The commercial treaty reflected isolationism and the treaty of conditional alliance implicated the US into the European politics. Reality was way from the utopia ideals of the Revolution.
After the peaceful political transition after the first national election, the bi-partisan system became a prevalent force in politics. This is a very significant development especially with the beginning of the European wars in the last decade of the eighteen century. Americans constituents responded to the pronouncements of their fellow partisan leaders. Perkins stated “differences over foreign policies dominated the political battle field” (p. 95) .Federalists and Republicans both came to the view the European contest as extension of their own struggle. Federalists already felt that democracy could go too far; they believe that events in France so proved and they could not respect those who differ from them. Republicans had already identified the domestic conflict as an effort to defend America against corrupting English ways, and it was easy now to see administration policy as an attempt to ally the country with England and the league of despots against liberty and the French. Republicans were pro-French and Federalists pro-British” (p. 84). However, a policy of peace and neutrality reflecting the ideal of non involvement was agreed by all Americans and Pres. Washington Neutrality Act of 1794 proclaimed independence of neutral commerce. This policy it obtained extensive economic benefits. Both England and France had to open their trade policies increasing imports and opening colonial ports to foreign ships due to the necessity of supplies during the wars. As Perkins states “when war resumed, so did profits – for farmers, plantation owners, merchants, and the nation as a whole. The United States had established itself as a growing factor in the world economy. Like territorial empire, this was very largely a consequence of the Europe’s wars” (p. 93).
Republicans took power in the beginning of the nineteen hundreds, and managed an agreement with France, in which Napoleon renounced the entire colony of Louisiana. This was a major accomplishment by Jefferson’s administration when territorial expansionism was at the heart of political discourse. Perkins states “The acquisition more than double the size of the US and more than any other event in the Republic era, placed the nation on the road to world power.”(p.117). However, after the success of the Louisiana Purchase, the federalist faced many threats that attempted to weaken American commerce by Europeans, which after much humiliation ended causing a war with England. The United States was sending the message to Europe that they were the owners of commerce and only Americans had to right to decide who would be their trade alliances. Jefferson and Madison try to get concessions from England by applying the tactic of fear of war. Speeding up the approval of an embargo policy and preventing American exports to leave the country, the administration again sent a message of warning proved not to be effective. Perkins describes “the Embargo stimulated law breaking so extensive as to undermine the Republican regime, perhaps the Constitution itself…citizens of all occupations, were unwilling to make economic sacrifices the policy required. At no time was the Embargo close to success as an instrument of coercion” (p.128). Republicans were effective in selling the concept of war by linking it to the attacks against commerce with attacks on independence and gained popular support for the war. Nothing much was gained from the war but a revitalized nationalistic pride.
The Monroe Doctrine was implemented in fervent phase of nationalism and was aimed to further expand commerce, encourage national self-sufficiency, territory expansionism and influence abroad sending the message of freedom and therefore non acceptance policy of Europe’s colonization of new territory in the American continent. With this in mind and rumors that England had interest of conquering Florida, the U.S. “forced” Spain into a treaty to transfer the Sunshine colony to the American union. At the same time, Spanish colonies throughout Latin American started their independence revolutions. Even though isolationism and non-intervention principle was very much part of American culture the United States begun to recognized the newly sovereign nations. Most importantly, the doctrine was intended to make Europe realize that Americans were pronouncing their diplomatic autonomy. However in reality, Europe continued to have influence in the south. With the Manifest Destiny, Americans preached to be the beacon of democracy and freedom and were called to missionary enterprise to save the world. Latin American received this as a demonstration of American arrogance and domination where its interest in expansion was primarily preoccupied with increase of power. Perkins’ concluded that “racism, also worked, in a perhaps paradoxical way, to limit the extent of territorial ambition (p.173) and moral ideology was the partner of self interest in intimate alliance of which expansionism was the offspring.” (p.178) The 1840s was a decade of successful expansionism in part due to misfortune events in Europe. Europe needed a break and America benefited from it. America became what Perkins describe as “a power of first class, a nation which it is dangerous to offend and almost impossible to attack.” (p.231)
In conclusion, Perkins presents a homogeneous account of the evolution of the American Foreign Policy detailing how national politics influenced foreign relations. America experienced an identity crises struggling with paradox of the policies of isolationism and expansionism. This was revealed in an oscillating pattern of her foreign policies reflecting contradictory combination of ideals of democracy and liberalism with expansionism which was present in the very birth of the nation. The author did not clarify if expansionism was adopted by the founders as a reaction to European power or if it was an intrinsic American desire for power. In my view, Perkins wrote the book only to the U.S audience failing to prescribe the repercussions of the American policies of the period in other parts of the world including Latin America, Asia and Africa.
Notes:
Perkins, Bradford The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations Volume I, The Creation of the Republican Empire, 1776-1865 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1993)